The criminal investigation collection (fondul de ancheta penala) included the criminal investigation files and the prison files of persons already sentenced or investigated for actions against state security. The network collection (fondul de retea) consisted of personal files of the Securitate informers and individuals who refused to collaborate with the Securitate. Lavinia StanCenter for Post-Communist StudiesSt. Some individuals may need to obtain proof from Federal or State authorities stating they do not have a criminal record. 145-181, Moral Cleansing Romanian Style, Problems of Post-Communism vol. With all its shortcomings, the Securitate archive remains a valuable source of information that hopefully will become available to historians, political scientists, sociologists and other researchers interested in state-society relations, dissidence, terror and repression or life under the Romanian communist regime. In some instances collaboration ended rather abruptly, when the informer died, emigrated or insisted to cut links to the agent. Securitate agents were instructed to cease collaboration with individuals with criminal record, individuals who did not collaborate loyally and individuals who made their ties to the political police known, but when and how collaboration was terminated depended on the agent more than the informer. Among the most important are Ion Diaconescu, Temnita. To obtain copies of public records by phone, please call (602) 37-CLERK, or (602) 372-5375. Not all denunciations were handwritten and signed by the informer, as the latter could refuse or the circumstances of the agent-informer meeting might not allow the informer to sit down and write the note. . The Communist Party cadre department kept a wealth of records on each party member, and in many ways acted as another political police structure.[27]. A trusted Securitate informer, Cristescu even dared to admit that he had accepted Tanases request to make his home available for meetings with the translator, and detailed the system the three of them would use to keep the meetings secret from the political police. ), a subject John should be interested in and closely familiar with, since it is the topic of his doctoral thesis, John avoided the subject, on grounds that he started to work on the topic only very recently and does not have a good grasp of it. The operative or information collection (fondul operativ sau informativ) consisted of the victims operative surveillance files and the pre-communist information service archives. [34] The note could be summarized in a single paragraph: that afternoon, Lulu made two calls from public phones and visited three different addresses in an attempt to show or give documents contained in a suitcase he carried with him all the time. Still others did it for revenge, to get back to old enemies by reporting true and often false information about them. See all locations . Of these 29,613 were Nazi sympathizers, 10,367 members of the inter-war Peasant and Liberal Parties, and 2,753 former political prisoners. Fee-based on-line services that help obtain records One such service is VitalChek (800-255-2414), which allows you to request birth, death, and marriage certifications online, by phone, or by fax. The Maricopa County Public Record links below open in a new . (The system is unavailable Tuesday through Saturday from 3:00 am to 4:00 am.) While all these English-language authors have talked about the role of the political police and its archive in the communist political system of terror, none has drawn an exact picture of the contents of this elusive collection of documents, mostly because few had direct access to the archive and because the information on specific Securitate documents that surfaced to date in Romania has been some times contradictory and other times inexact and unequal. The political police, moreover, never admitted to being a repressive apparatus bent on destroying opposition to the communist regime, and instead insisted that it honestly and thoroughly sought to defend the state's security interests in the face of domestic and foreign agents threatening Romania's independence and sovereignty. Studiu de caz: arhiva Comitetului Municipal de Partid Brasov (Bucharest: Polirom, 2002), Serviciul Roman de Informatii, Cartea Alba a Securitatii, 2 volumes (Bucharest: Editura Presa Romaneasca, 1996 and 1997), and Consiliul National pentru Studierea Arhivelor Securitatii, Trupele de Securitate (1949-1989) (Bucharest: Nemira, 2004) si Arhivele Securitatii (Bucharest: Nemira, 2004). God sees everything. 4 (March 2004), pp. Cristescu tried to convince Tanase that his conversations at home were private, and stressed that given the importance of my entire effort to monitor Stelian Tanase, I dare to consider that [the incident] was an imprudent move that could have resulted in the disclosure [of my collaboration with the Securitate].[40], In August, Cristescu delivered to the political police the list of people and their addresses Tanase wanted him to contact in case he was arrested, in September described Tanases meeting with the US cultural attach A[lice] Kuperman, his plans to translate an anti-governmental declaration into English and disseminate it abroad, his hopes to meet an unnamed British citizen, and in October noted that Tanase received a letter from a British lady and planned to put together a collection of non-political essays signed by well-known dissident writers.